La enfermedad de Ménétrier es una entidad poco frecuente en el niño, caracterizada por una gastroenteropatía pierde proteínas con engrosamiento de la. Palabras clave: Enfermedad de Menetrier. Sarcoma de Kaposi. VIH. Key words: Ménétrier's disease. Kaposi's sarcoma. HIV. Request PDF on ResearchGate | Enfermedad de Ménétrier y cáncer gástrico | Ménétrier's disease is an infrequent hypertrophic disease of the stomach.
|Language:||English, Spanish, German|
|Genre:||Academic & Education|
|Distribution:||Free* [*Sign up for free]|
Request PDF on ResearchGate | Enfermedad de Ménétrier asociada a infección por citomegalovirus | Menetrier's disease is a rare entity in children. Ménétrier's disease (MD) is included in the group of hypertrophic .. Enfermedad de Ménétrier infantil e infección aguda por citomegalovirus. Ménétrier's disease was first described in adult patients in. by the French . Enfermedad de Ménétrier asociada a infección por cito- megalovirus.
Treatment was established to eradicate the infection and the patient showed significant improvement with regard to the oedemas and normalisation of the protein count.
Continuing navigation will be considered as acceptance of this use. Am J Gastroenterol, 92pp. There was a problem providing the content you requested Antiretroviral therapy was initiated, and subsequent chemotherapy with anthracyclines was scheduled. Menrtrier found HIV positivity, which was confirmed with Western Blot, in addition to hypoproteinemia of unclear origin; cardiac, hepatic, renal, and nutritional causes were excluded.
Subtotal gastrectomy is performed by some; it may be associated with higher morbidity and mortality secondary to the difficulty in obtaining a patent and long-lasting anastomosis between normal and hyperplastic tissue.
In this case, the substantial pit hyperplasia makes the large rugal folds appear to be covered by myriad polyps resembling hyperplastic polyps. A case report from the Middle East.
Se continuar a navegar, consideramos que aceita o seu uso. Enfermedad de menetrier a Specialist Find a Specialist. Si continua navegando, consideramos que acepta su uso. A year-old male who visited due to a two-month history of oedemas in the lower limbs. Lab tests revealed a notable hypoproteinemia and one of the most significant findings in the additional studies was positive serology for H.
Are you a health professional able to prescribe or ce drugs? Case report A year-old male presents with burning epigastric pain, nausea, early satiety, vomiting, enfermedadd stools, 7 kg weight loss, asthenia, and adynamia for four months. The upper gastrointestinal series that was performed revealed a notable kenetrier of the gastric folds, which was confirmed by means of gastroscopic and biopsy tests.
Additionally, DuPrey et al. This thematic arrangement underscores the need to conceptualise the pandemic globally and comparatively too, and not just nationally and locally, if it and its impact are to be adequately understood.
By implication the globe-encompassing, multilingual bibliography which concludes the book makes the same point. Teabreaks quite commonly were marked by invigorating exchanges on the same research topic between, for instance, virologists and historians or geographers and pathologists.
It was an unusual academic spectacle, all against the backdrop of blue-etched Table Mountain. What discussion at the Cape Town conference made clear, however, was that these features were less problems to be overcome than rare opportunities to be exploited to the full so as to grasp the complex totality of the —19 pandemic better; and also that the conference, largely through coincidence, was being held at just the right moment to highlight this fact.
It is hoped that this book will show that full advantage was taken of this unusual opportunity. What happened in —19?
Only isolated places, for example the Atlantic island of St. Helena not visited by shipping during the pandemic, escaped its virulent breath. Attempts to identify a regular pattern in such outbreaks have not been successful. Flu has a short incubation period and, as a respiratory transmitted infection, is quickly spread from one person to another, especially in places where people are closely crowded together.
No one season more than another seems to be the time for the spread of the infection. Temperature and climate appear to have little effect on the ability of the virus to spread although low temperatures and high relative humidity, or a combination of the two conditions, seem to help spread the infection. For most sufferers the attack lasted for 2—4 days.
However, death could be sudden and there were repeated reports of people suddenly collapsing and dying, or being taken ill and succumbing to the infection within a few hours. The mortality rate was fairly low and the outbreak did not occasion excessive concern. The second and highly lethal wave occurred in late August and re-appeared as a third and less virulent wave in The virus spread rapidly along the conduits of war and 6 Howard Phillips and David Killingray commerce to engulf the entire world in a matter of a few weeks.
A modern system of global communications, of steamships and railways, along with the constant and large-scale movement of men and materials for the war, provided the conditions for the easy and speedy spread of the virus. Military encampments and the close concentration and movement of men provided ideal conditions for the transmission of a respiratory infection.
The medical profession, which had made great strides in epidemiological knowledge and surgery over the previous two decades, found itself unprepared and ill-equipped to deal with the disease and had no effective way of combating or curing it.
At the time of the outbreak many rumours and theories about the origin and spread of the infection abounded. Inevitably the disease was associated with the war: that it resulted from conditions on the war fronts, or that it was being used as a weapon by the enemy, ideas that became part of the propaganda of the belligerents.
The English and French have left millions of men and horses to rot unburied where they fell. In France and Flanders the poisonous matter from millions of unburied bodies is constantly rising up into the air, which is blown all over the world by the winds.
Within 2 weeks the virus had been spread to local dock workers who in turn carried the infection into the town and on to other ships which then carried the virus to other African ports and elsewhere. From Freetown the virus was spread inland to the surrounding villages. All armies, especially those confronting each other on the Western Front, were also hard hit by the disease.
This xenophobic response has been common in Europe, that impulse to blame others or the silent places of the Asian heartlands for the source of disease. Some , Americans died in the pandemic and about 50, Canadians. By mid September the virus had been carried by 8 Howard Phillips and David Killingray ships into the islands of the Caribbean and along land and sea routes to the central American isthmus. Little has been written on the course of the pandemic in the Latin American countries.
American troops crossing the Atlantic helped to spread the disease into Europe. Various methods were used in the industrial states to try and prevent the further spread of the pandemic. Ports were quarantined; public transport, passengers and luggage were fumigated; public buildings — schools and cinemas, but rarely churches or bars — were closed; local legislation instructed people to wear masks and to avoid congregating; advertisements urged the prophylactic values of tobacco and alcohol; many people resorted to prayer and patent medicines.
But all measures were seemingly without avail. Probably the best advice for sufferers, if it could be followed, was the use of aspirin to lower the body temperature, bed rest and effective nursing care. The vast majority of those infected around the world, in a global population which was predominantly peasant and poor, lacked such knowledge and certainly access to easy means of relief.
This was the case whether a country was at war or at peace. This age—gender death pattern still remains something of a mystery. The cause may have been genetic or physiological.
Another reason may be due to the tendency of many men, out of necessity or mas- Introduction 9 culine impulse, to continue working rather than resting when they were sick. The poor, and those living in over-crowded and insanitary conditions, were also more likely to catch and to die from the virus, although patterns of mortality varied from one place to another around the world.
Certainly the poor were rendered more vulnerable due to low levels of nutrition and poor physical health. The dying and the dead placed heavy burdens on families and social institutions. From Freetown the disease moved down the West African coast and from ports into the interior. Two weeks later the S. Coastal towns were infected and the colonial railway system, built mainly to export primary products, now transported infected people into the interior where they spread the disease to even remote communities by bicycle, canoe, camel and on foot.
Flu arrived in the expanding city of Cape Town on board two troopships which had called at Freetown, the Jaroslav and the Veronej, both bringing home some 1, men of the South African Native Labour Contingent who had served in France. Men deemed healthy entrained for home and the virus was spread with great rapidity throughout southern Africa and beyond the Zambezi into central Africa. African death rates were higher than those of Europe, varying between c.
Religious revivals occurred, a turning 10 Howard Phillips and David Killingray to old gods and new; millenarian movements developed in Africa, and elsewhere, in response to inexplicable disease. The second wave of the disease came into India via the port of Bombay and then spread across the subcontinent from west to east during September Some islands suffered crushingly heavy mortality rates.
The results were lethal; in Fiji c.
However, in the neighbouring US-administered islands of Eastern Samoa, where a tight naval quarantine was imposed, there may have been no deaths at all. Thus there have been recent efforts by Hultin, Taubenberger, Duncan and Oxford to seek extant traces of the virus, either from laboratory-preserved tissue of victims or from corpses buried in the Arctic permafrost.
With the growth in air travel and the larger numbers of people constantly on the move, an infectious disease can occur in any part of the world and, without the knowledge of the person infected, can then be carried across the globe within a few hours.
It occurred at the climax of the First World War, when there had been mass killing on an unprecedented scale, and as revolution swept across eastern and central Europe. The disaster of war, and the resulting unrest in much of Europe, overshadowed the pandemic and its subsequent inclusion in the history written about the period. And for historians of the time with their agendas of politics and statecraft, disease and its social and economic consequences were not a matter of great immediate concern.
Indeed, would it have been a lethal pandemic at all?
And would the outbreak have been better known to historians? From the mid s these would, in turn, be succeeded by a curve which continued to climb upwards, right up to the present. The initial surge of writing in the immediate aftermath of the pandemic was barely historical in character.
Of historical perspective or approach there was scarcely a hint, nor is this surprising. What is more remarkable, however, is the almost complete silence of professional historians of the day about the pandemic, in striking contrast to their readiness to tackle as a historical topic, its contemporary, the First World War. Although they had lived through both, it was almost as if they deemed a world war to be suitable as a subject for historians but not a world pandemic.
Typically, a historical survey published in by the Encyclopaedia Britannica, These Eventful Years: The twentieth century in the making.
That to understand the aetiology of a disease we must study both its historical and contemporary manifestations is as much a truism to the epidemiologist as the parallel proposition in the science of social and economic institutions.
Taking his cue from this realisation and recognising in it a gripping story, in an American popular historian, Adolph Hoehling, produced a lively account of what he called The Great Epidemic. Can it happen again? In it commissioned a Dutch journalist, A. Do something! Ultimately, the whole is no more than the sum of its many vignettes, which is probably why Collier felt constrained to add a short appendix on some of the basic questions not treated in his text, such as its toll, its causative virus and, inevitably, the likelihood of another such visitation.
None of this was original, however. Nevertheless, it was not principally the sales of popular works on the —19 pandemic which drew the attention of academic historians to the topic — they have usually been disdainful of such success — but the changing intellectual climate in universities from the mids onwards.
There, the emergence of social and environmental history and, a little later, of the social history of medicine as academically respectable subdisciplines saw epidemics beginning to be perceived as part of the mainstream of Introduction 17 history and not as some quirkish phenomenon in the margins of the past. The largest category of these has been local, regional or urban studies of Introduction 19 the pandemic, especially in the USA. Typically, such works use a mixture of local newspapers, reports by local authorities and doctors and, sometimes, snatches of oral evidence from elderly residents, to describe the arrival and deadly course of the disease in their locale, the countermeasures taken against it and its ultimate toll.
Of consequences, public or private, little is usually said.