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This transcription emphasizes tsb the different parts of alegrias vuajiras together in the context of dance accompaniment. Ravenna Flamenco Falsetas are based on work by Tomatito and Chicuelo. How to place an order To place an order, insert the wanted quantity and click on the shopping cart icon or on BUY.
A second minor key sevillana arrangement based on the playing of Pedro Soler.
An arrangement of a traditional phrygian key sevillanas, adapted from a Sabicas recording. Shopping process 1- View shopping cart 2- Shipping details 3- Order processed. If you are looking for flamenco musicvideo or DVDplease visit: A melodic sevillana that makes for a good picado and left hand position switching workout.
David Leiva transcriptions Catalogue version to print. Ravenna Flamenco We use own and third party cookies to improve the navigation experience. Etude de Style The brought to this piece a very flamenco point and an impressive fastness. My shopping cart items.
He presents the works in a didactic way in order for any guitarist to understand. By continuing with the navigation, we consider that you accept our cookies policy. Scholars have singled out several groups that seem to have constituted key elements within the matrix from which early Christians came.
Fox, , notes the importance of Jewish communities and of traders, allowing the spread of Christianity across wide distances and across political frontiers such as the divide between the Roman and the Persian realms.
These Jewish communities may well have formed a cross-section of the social strata of their day. As suggested above, one could indeed argue that the work introduction of Paul presupposes a basic familiarity with the content and method of argument in the Septuagint on the part of his readers and hearers. MacMullen, 38, and Fox, , note the importance that early Christians attached to the lower classes.
Theissen, , provides a detailed study of these predominantly rural disciples, many of them wandering apostles and teachers who were truly on the fringes of acceptable society. Yet Meeks, , notes that the earliest settled Christian communities were a cross section of the population and drew people from many backgrounds.
As is evident from the Didache, there was a mutually benecial relationship between the settled communities and the wandering charismatic teachers.
The settled communities provided sustenance, while the wandering teachers provided a word of prophecy in the name of Jesus the Christ and no doubt a challenge to the settled lifestyle as well. If the evidence relating to the upper Tembris valley in Asia is taken into account, though, it may be unwise to conclude that the countryside was largely devoid of Christians. Obviously, such persons could be found in rural areas as well as in cities and towns. One suspects that the surviving evidence is skewed toward urban areas simply by virtue of the greater density of population to be found there.
At all strata of the Christian movement, women were especially important as transmitters of Christian faith and practice; see MacMullen, 39, Fox, , and Stark, This is clear from Pauls dealings with Lydia at Philippi all the way through to the Emperor Constantines accedence to his mothers advice on the building of churches in Palestine.
The martyrdom of Candida at the Persian court in Gundeshapur or Seleucia-Ctesiphon in the latter part of the Third Century suggests that Christian women could be a similarly inuential and perhaps even threatening presence in the Persian realm as well. Among the Montanist Christians of Pepouza and elsewhere the role of women as prophets was greatly esteemed. The martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas at Carthage shows both the honor in which Christian women were held and the danger to which they could be exposed.
The account of the martyrdom is especially 10 introduction important because part of the story of her imprisonment may well be based on Perpetuas own writings, which would be one of the few surviving written works from the hand of an early Christian woman.
Much of the surviving work of Tertullian, also at Carthage, is devoted to the proper role and example of Christian women. On the basis of Matthew , Luke , and Acts , one should note also the early importance of the army as one of the groups within which Christianity spread, though military service was not without its diculties for practicing Christians; see De Bhaldraithe, The diculties stemmed as much from the idea that soldiers might have to participate in sacricial oerings to the Emperor as from the problems of a career that might involve violently shedding human blood.
Meeks, 63, reminds us too of the importance of contacts and social networks within Caesars household, essentially the civil service of the Roman empire. External factors in favor of Christianity. Harnack and others have advanced several possible factors that enhanced the spread of Christianity.
Among external factors not having to do with the content of Christian faith itself, one might suggest that some Christian concepts, such as the high moral precepts of Christianity and the idea of life after death, were not out of keeping with the teachings of some pagan philosophies such as Stoicism and Platonism; see Nock, Some of the similarities were in fact close enough to be turned against Christianity, as when Celsus argued that Christianity was a deformed and debased version of Platonism; see Labriolle, Another external factor was the universality of the Christian message across divides of gender, class, and race.
Certain occupations, such as the military professions, as noted above, did cause diculties if believers were not careful about how they carried out their work, but there was nothing in the essence of any person that would have rendered him or her unt to be a Christian.
Unlike Mithraism, for example, which was restricted to men, Christianity was open to the entire population. Without doubt, Christianity enhanced the status of the women whose talents it utilized; see Dodds, , and Stark, Pauls writings are quite clear on the notion that ones social class or monetary holdings simply did not matter within earliest Christianity.
Marcion was no doubt quite surprised when the church at Rome returned the enormous sum of money that he had given them in hope of being allowed to teach there. Though Christianity was open to all, it was also an exclusive religion in that it demanded complete adherence.
What might seem at rst like a paradox, being both universalist and exclusivist at the same time, proved to be an immense asset in the spread of the new faith. While it would welcome people from any gender, class, or race, Christianity expected complete adherence from those who chose to follow the new faith. The new faith thus gained strength from the fact that the faithful were not allowed to divide their loyalties between Christianity and other religions; see MacMullen, 28, and Stark In its straightforward universality, Christianity distinguished itself from the ambivalent attitude of its Jewish parent toward converts; see Goodman, At the same time, like Judaism, it was distinct from most other religions in the Greco-Roman and Persian worlds in expecting undivided loyalty from its believers.
The work of catechesis, teaching the essentials of the Christian faith, whether done by Origen at Alexandria in the Third Century or by Cyril of Jerusalem in the middle of the Fourth Century, helped to make sure that Christians had the mental resources to remain rm in their choice of faith. Nothing pointed out the cost of Christian exclusivism more than the stories of the Christian martyrs, whose deaths were certainly an aid to impressing the seriousness of the Christian faith on outsiders and in helping to insure that free riders, i.
It is an interesting fact that the rise of organized asceticism, promoting a rigorous and disciplined lifestyle for those who chose to follow it, did not get underway until after the outwardly visible dangers to Christianity had passed from the scene in the Roman world.
Among other external factors in favor of the spread of Christianity, one might also list the liberation of social relationships that it engendered and the crucial importance of new social networks which promoted a sense of belonging; see Dodds, , and Stark, Stark in fact suggests that it is when a persons in-group relationships 12 introduction overbalance her or his out-group relationships that the individual is most likely to convert to the faith of the in-group.
While his analysis might appear rather mechanistic on the surface, it does seem reasonable to suggest that the more Christian acquaintances one had, the more likely one was to be exposed to Christianity and to be open to Christian teaching.
Social networks, whether of family, or neighborhood, or profession, were certainly one of the means by which Christianity spread in its rst centuries, even as is true today.
Within those networks, Christianity was able to provide concrete help in times of sickness and a means of sharing stories of divine power, as Wischmeyer, , notes. Internal factors in favor of Christianity. Internal factors touching the mind and heart were also at work in the spread of Christianity. Some, such as Justin Martyr, saw Christianity in part as the satisfactory end to an intellectual quest; see MacMullen, For him the journey was explainable in more-or-less philosophical terms.
Yet one should not overlook the power of worship in the spread of any religion, and Justin is the rst to give an outline of a typical service of Christian worship. In his Apology I, he was careful to present for the emperor a picture of what took place when Christians gathered in prayer. As we see from the Book of Acts and from the lives of individuals such as Gregory Thaumaturgus, the demonstration of divine power in miracles and healings made an impact, not only on those immediately aected, but also on those who heard about the events at second hand.
Christian teaching about the real but mysterious powers of life and death also played an important role in the spread and development of the new religion; see Dodds, , MacMullen, , and Fox, The numerous prayers, rituals, and spells recorded in PGM suggest that the major preoccupations of life, what some would call ultimate questions, have not changed greatly in the past two millennia, though the methods of dealing with them may have. To the extent that Christians could provide a more powerful and satisfying answer to those questions than could people of other religions, they were successful in getting their message across.
Indeed, the earliest written Christian document to have been collected into the New Testament, Pauls rst letter to the Thessalonians, is meant to give an answer to just such a question of life and death. A Christian stress on divine revelation, coupled with moral rigor, would have played especially well among those inuenced by introduction 13 Montanism in the Second and Third Centuries; see Dodds, During the same period, the Ebionite Christians, Christians of Jewish background, were seeking to live a rigorous life in the regions of Palestine, Syria Phoenice, Syria, and Arabia.
Devoted to an ascetic lifestyle perhaps out of reverence for the dietary regulations inherited from Judaism, they were later seen as heretics by such writers as Epiphanius in his Panarion.
Rigorism during and after the persecutions was also a hallmark of the Donatist sects, for whom the possession of Christian fortitude was an important virtue. The images of Jesus as savior, of forgiveness and regeneration from sin, and of renewal of life as set forth in the writings that came to comprise the New Testament also played a great part in attracting people to Christianity; see Nock, , Fox, , and Stark, Time and again these images are lifted up by the writers of the gospels and epistles of the New Testament as crucial to an understanding of the new faith and its relation to the God whom Jesus the Christ proclaimed.
Along with the notion of renewal would have come a stress on virtue, compassion, and mercy, no doubt traceable to the parables of Jesus himself; see Stark, Conversion was, and is, a complex and multi-dimensional phenomenon, involving the transformation of a persons worldview and the resocialization of the individual; see Kreider, We should note, though, that the process did not always work in one direction, from paganism to Christianity; the most notable example of a move in the opposite direction is Peregrinus, the religious seeker whose life was satirized by Lucian.
The histories of the Christian communities of Egypt and North Africa are particularly instructive regarding those who lapsed from the faith in times of persecution as well as those who were able to rejoin their local congregations.
Some of the most valuable material in this regard is preserved by Optatus of Milev. At a later period, we might note the Emperor Julian, who reacted strongly against the Christianity favored by his uncle Constantine. Factors opposing Christianity. Several factors worked against the spread of Christianity, at least within the Roman Empire. First of all, as noted above, Christians could be accused of deforming traditional religious beliefs; see Labriolle, The idea that Christianity was a second-hand religion, and a counterfeit one at that, would have turned away many who thought of religion as a means of bolstering their own sense of worth and purpose.
Likewise, several pagan 14 introduction commentators considered Christianity to be based on unthinking gullibility rather than reasoned faith; see Dodds, The accusation occurs often enough for it to have been current in the thoughts of ordinary people as well as in the minds of cultured writers. The notion of Christians as aloof, contrary, and secretive, even when they might be harmless, goes back at least as far as the letters of Pliny the Younger. Porphyry could see resurrection of the body and an abundance of other Christian beliefs as worthy of ridicule; see Labriolle, Certainly the materialist and chiliastic understanding of the next life as found in writers as late as Victorinus of Pettau, ca.
Indeed, in the works of Justin Martyr and the other apologists, we can see Christian writers trying their best to make Christianity intellectually palatable. Origen faced a problem similar in kind but dierent in orientation in the Third Century when, in his Commentary on John he tried to rescue the Gospel of John from internal Christian misrepresentation propounded by Gnostic teachers such as Heracleon, Valentinus, and Basilides.
As another factor detrimental to Christianity, one should note the heavy social stigma that would adhere to practitioners of what cultured Greeks and Romans such as Pliny and Tacitus would consider to be a superstition; see Wilken, For Pliny and Tacitus, a superstition would have been outside the familiar religions of the day and would have been particularly attractive to those unthinkingly gullible persons mentioned in the paragraph above.
Within the GrecoRoman sphere, superstition would have been regarded as dangerous because it detracted from the usual worship of those deities who were seen as essential to the state.
To be considered dangerous and to be excluded from much of the daily life of ones community might have been too high a price for some who were attracted to Christianity; see Kreider, The fact that Christians were not only ostracized, but often persecuted, would have been a serious deterrent to anyone considering the Christian way.
It is not our purpose here to document the continuing strength of paganism right through until the middle of the Fourth Century or to note every instance of opposition to Christianity, yet the presence of Christian martyrs in a given place is a sure sign of public or ocial hostility toward the faith. Scholars have often been puzzled by the seemingly unbelievable rate of growth in the number of Christians; see MacMullen, Apart from Paul and the wandering teachers studied by Theissen, there does not appear to have been any early developed sense of mission that might account for such rapid growth; see Nock, Yet Stark, , suggests that with only about one thousand adherents in ca.
That rate of growth was not unknown among some new religious groups in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. What would seem to be very slow growth at rst would build over time until the number of new converts seemed amazing.
As Fox, , points out, Origen, in the rst half of the Third Century, admitted that even in his day Christians were still only a small part of the population. It is perhaps the case, then, that the spread of Christianity can be described by some such mathematical model of growth as outlined by Stark, with the numbers becoming very large only during the course of the Third Century. The rst years of Christianity, with the development of the role of bishops, seem to have been a time of internal organization; see Fox, The letters of Ignatius of Antioch were preoccupied with making sure that ecclesiastical authority did not break down at Antioch, even as he was taken, perhaps a bit too willingly, to be martyred at Rome.
Dodds, , and Fox, , suggest that it was only at about the time of Origen that Christianity became intellectually acceptable to the masses. Indeed, at that time the heirs of the Severan imperial dynasty and some of their successors may have made an attempt to incorporate Christianity, or at least the gure of Christ, into their belief system; see the material noted below with regard to Emesa and Philippopolis in Syria. In the middle of the Third Century, and again toward its end, there was serious ocial hostility toward Christianity when practitioners of the new religion were seen by the imperial authorities as a threat to the state; Eusebius structures much of his Ecclesiastical History around those times of danger to the church.
The danger of persecution in fact seems to have brought out the strength of Christianitys internal coherence and dedication at a time when the rate of growth had perhaps begun to taper o; see Kreider, Thus paradoxically the imperial attempts to stamp out Christianity may have provided martyrs as attractive examples of faith and have served as an important impetus to growth. The problem proved to be a delicate one, with opinions very rmly held on both sides.
On the one hand Christians were confronted with the command of Jesus to be forgiving, as those within the mainstream church insisted. On the other hand, from the rigorist point of view, to be overly generous would seem to devalue the sacrice of the Christian martyrs and perhaps of Christ himself. Particularly acute were the cases involving clergy, those who had been lifted up as leaders of the church, who had lapsed under persecution.
The diculties were unresolved even more than a century later when Augustine was still having to deal with troublesome Donatists. After the peace of the church in , some who desired a more disciplined life began to turn toward ascetic practices as noted above.
Some of these practices, such as a limited diet and dedicated celibacy, already had a long history among some individuals in Syria and Egypt; see De Bhaldraithe, Vegetarianism, for example, seems to have been a hallmark of the Ebionite Christians of Palestine and Syria who were concerned about the dietary regulations of their Jewish forefathers.
So too, individuals such as Paul, the hermit whose life is recounted by Jerome, and Antony, whose life is reported by Athanasius, began to take up a solitary and reclusive way of life at about the year C. It is only around and thereafter that there is solid evidence of organized and collective asceticism with the likes of Pachomius of Tabennesi and the hermits who began to gather near Nitria in Egypt.
One might judge that the imperial favor shown by Constantine to Christians within the Roman empire placed Christians in the Sassanian Persian empire in a contrastingly precarious position vis-vis their rulers. Certainly Constantines building projects in Palestine, his benefactions to the church at Rome, and his grants of immunities from various kinds of public service to the clergy were a great boon to the church.
When the Persians saw the imperial favor of their Roman adversaries bestowed upon Christians, it was only natural for them to look with suspicion on Christians in Persia. Already the prominence of individual Christians, such as we nd recounted in the story of Candida noted above, had provoked the jealousy of introduction 17 some within the Persian court.
Toward the end of Constantines reign, this suspicion broke into open hostility and persecution directed against the martyrs of Persia. Principles of organization and presentation. As noted at the outset, the purpose of the present volume is to document the geographical expansion of Christian communities down to ca. The documentation within each section is divided into two, sometimes three, parts. First of all, for each region or province there is a brief general discussion of pertinent material.
The catalogue of specic documentable sites from before then follows; these will also be found recorded on the maps at the end of the volume. Finally in each section there is a list of possibly early Christian sites, often those documented in the second or third quarter of the Fourth Century. This group of possible sites is not recorded on the maps. The combined information for each entry should give readers sucient information to make a reasoned judgment and to engage in further research and analysis on those Christian sites that are certainly or possibly documentable to before On the maps at the end of the volume, a question mark before or after a place-name indicates only that the location of the place itself is uncertain, not that the presence of Christians in the named community is uncertain.
A few brief notes to the reader: when the name Harnack appears in the following chapters without further documentation, it refers to the German edition of Harnacks Mission und Ausbreitung. Except in relation to Britain, reference to Turner indicates C.
Turner, Ecclesiae occidentalis monumenta iuris antiquissima. No single system for the transliteration of ancient names into modern dress is likely to satisfy all readers. The various atlases and other sources used are not always consistent in their spelling of geographical names. The spelling given in Talbert has usually been followed unless there is a more localized atlas or similar source.
The more familiar personal names generally appear in their English forms; thus Martin rather than Martinus. Greek personal names commonly, but not always, appear in their English or Latinized forms; so, for example; Macarius rather than Makarios. Jesus began his ministry in Roman Palestine, chiey in the region of Galilee, and within a clearly Jewish context. The fact that Jewish inuence continued to be formative in the development of Christianity is clear not only from the books that came to make up the New Testament canon, but also from the several groups, such as the Ebionites, who continued to value the Jewish elements within Christianity.
Within Roman Palestine the Ebionites were active in several sites. What is more, in the religious capital of the region, palestine 23 Jeusalem itself, the names of the leaders of the Jerusalem church continued to be Jewish until at least the Bar Kochba War.
The evidence for Jerusalem does not dominate the records of the province though. In the case of Palestine, unlike other regions in which one city seems to predominate in ecclesial aairs, inuence was divided between two centers, Jerusalem and Caesarea. From the Second Century until the Council of Nicaea, in fact, Caesarea was the more prominent of the two cities in ecclesiastical matters. Many of the Christian communities in Palestine were represented by their bishops at Nicaea in Shortly after our period, Athanasius, Apologia contra Arianos, Specic Sites Anaea.
South of Hebron.
The ascetic Apselamus from Anaea was martyred at Caesarea ca. Bagatti, Church from the Circumcision, TIRJP, Atlas, 5. Talbert, map Ares, Promus, and Elias from Egypt were martyred there ca. Bishop Longinus was at the Council of Nicaea; see Gelzer, lx.
Acts reports that Philip worked briey in Azotus. Bishop Silvanus was at the Council of Nicaea; see Gelzer, lxi. Origen, Commentary on John, 6. Eusebius, Onomasticon, Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, However, Justin does not explicitly mention any contemporary Christians there.
The cave tradition is also mentioned in Protevangelium Jacobi, Tertullian, Adversus Iudaeos, Origen, Contra Celsum, 1. By 24 palestine implication it would seem that there were also people of the faith in Bethlehem in Origens day. Jerome, Epistulae, According to the Q tradition, Bethsaida was one of the towns over which Jesus pronounced woes; see Matt.
Mark Appold, , writes that the several New Testament references to Bethsaida suggest intensive Christian mission activity around Bethsaida in the First Century. Through at least, no Christian inscriptions of Roman or Byzantine date have been found. East of Caesarea.
Eubulus and Adrianus from Batanaea near Caesarea were martyred ca. Onomasticon, Caesarea Maritima. Acts reports the Philip worked there briey. Acts 10 records Peters initial work in Caesarea at the behest of the centurion Cornelius. At Acts , it is stated that the early disciple Mnason of Cyprus had his home in Caesarea.
Origen settled at Caesarea in the mid-Third Century and on one occasion preached against Elkesites there; see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 6.
Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 7. Numerous others, including Eusebiuss own teacher Pamphilus, were martyred; see Martyrs of Palestine, 1. At It is thus apparent that imperial authorities at the time made slight distinction between mainstream and heterodox Christians.
The name of the town appears a dozen times in the Gospels as a place where Jesus worked. He also healed Peters motherin-law and many others who lived there; see Mark and parallels.
Rabbinic traditions preserved in Ecclesiastes Rabbah, 1. The rst of these references seems clearly to refer to Jewish Christians. At the same time, Epiphanius, Panarion, An early Christian place of worship, popularly known as Peters House has in fact been excavated at Capernaum. According to the excavators, the place of worship seems to have been originally a domestic structure that was converted to ecclesiastical use ca. White, , strikes a cautionary note and indicates that nothing in the archaeological evidence requires a Christian use of the structure before the Fourth Century.
The town appears in the Q tradition as one of the places that resisted Jesus message and thus received one of his woes; see Matthew and Luke Following the line of reasoning laid out with respect to Bethsaida by Appold, , it seems that Chorazin too must have been the object of much Christian activity in the First Century for the tradition to have been remembered.
Yet the town appears only in the Q tradition and is completely absent from later Christian records. Julius Africanus, apud Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. See Bauckham, , esp. Zebinus, a native of Eleutheropolis, was martyred ca. The schismatic Bishop Melitius of Lykopolis in Egypt ordained several clergy at Eleutheropolis between the time of Diocletians persecution and the Council of Nicaea; see Epiphanius, Panarion, Bishop Sabinus was at the Council of Nicaea; see Gelzer, lx.
Philip was reported to have been on the road from Jerusalem to Gaza when he met the Ethiopian eunuch; see Acts Silvanus, described as bishop of the churches around Gaza, was forced to work in the mines at Phaeno before he was beheaded; see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 8. A Christian woman from the same region is mentioned at Martyrs of Palestine, 8.
The schismatic Bishop Miletius of Lykopolis ordained several clergy at Gaza between the time of Diocletians persecution and the Council of Nicaea; see Epiphanius, Panarion,